"Only the dead have seen the end of war."

Usually misattributed to Plato but written by 20th century philosopher George Santayana, the above aphorism emphasises that no matter how advanced we may think society has become, armed conflict is an intrinsic part of the human condition.

It’s widely accepted that we are in a period of global disorder, with the risks of major conflict in the Indo-Pacific¹ region rising.

The Australian government acknowledges that we face the most complex and challenging strategic environment since the Second World War, with growing risks of military escalation or miscalculation by the world’s major powers.²

Recognising they’re not sufficiently prepared to fight a high-intensity conflict, nations are spending billions to acquire or upgrade military equipment and associated infrastructure. Australia’s increase in defence spending is the largest in peacetime since the lead-up to the Second World War.

Unlike most nations, the Australian homeland has not experienced conventional war or massed armed insurrections/insurgencies since the Second World War. Australian military forces (and some civilian police³) have engaged in combat or war-like operations overseas, but contemporary Australian society has been spared war’s privations and brutalities.

Of course, a community doesn’t need to be at war for it to experience appalling violence. Australian police face confronting scenes of tragedy every day: murders, serious and/or sexual assaults, road trauma, etc. In wartime, though, the scale and indiscriminate nature of violence, destruction and social dislocation increase markedly. And while military forces are notionally at the forefront of wartime state-endorsed violence, civilian police are not far away, playing an essential role in keeping society operating during periods of intense fear and trauma.

TOTAL WAR

This article doesn’t dwell on what could trigger an Indo-Pacific war. It doesn’t predict what form the conflict would take, nor how it would end. It accepts the views of informed observers that a war would be a product of geostrategic and economic rivalries between China and the USA. Such a war would likely be a protracted and costly catastrophe, potentially involving nuclear weapons.

It’s difficult to imagine Australia not becoming involved, noting its underlying interests as a sovereign democratic nation and its defence and security obligations to like-minded nations.

While a physical invasion of mainland Australia (including Tasmania) by enemy forces is extremely unlikely, it’s almost certain that our sea, air and cyber connections to the world would be cut or at least severely constrained during a war. There would likely be multiple missile and drone strikes, acts of physical and cyber sabotage and intense disinformation campaigns undertaken by Australia’s enemies. To maximise its chances of survival and victory, Australia would need to adopt a ‘total war’ mindset – mobilising the entire economy and society – to achieve victory.

Australia is a proud democracy whose police follow Sir Robert Peel’s philosophy of policing by consent. Total war would put a significant strain on this policing system, not seen since the 1940s.

Drawing on the experiences of Australian police in the Second World War and Ukrainian police in their current war against Russia, this article is a primer for the major challenges likely to face Australian policing in a future total war.

AUSTRALIA’S SECOND WORLD WAR

As a loyal dominion within the British Commonwealth, Australia joined Great Britain when it declared war against Nazi Germany in September 1939. For two years, Australia’s military focused its efforts in the Middle East and European theatres, fighting German and Italian forces. Japan’s devastatingly successful attacks in late 1941 and early 1942 against Australian, British, American and Dutch possessions in Asia and the Pacific, brought the war to Australia’s shores. Japanese naval and air attacks occurred in several locations. Numerous merchant ships were sunk in Australian waters by Japanese and German submarines and mines. Australian forces were recalled from the Middle East to help defend against possible invasion and to fight in nearby territories. Australia also became a staging base for a million American and allied military personnel.

Australian society faced massive challenges in the war. Of a total population of seven million people, almost one million men volunteered or were conscripted into the military. Millions of others, and 200,000 women, were directed into other industries to support the war effort. Most aspects of society were heavily regulated. The rationing of petrol, meat, butter, tea and clothing lasted until the late 1940s, even though the war itself ended with Allied victory in 1945.

NEW ROLES AND PRIORITIES FOR POLICE

The Commonwealth’s National Security Act 1939 and a suite of associated regulations – essential for the survival of the nation – temporarily impinged civil liberties and bestowed significant additional functions on police for the duration of the war. Scores of police were diverted to work alongside military and intelligence officials in counter espionage duties, including identifying, monitoring and interning ‘alien subjects’ and anti-war activists suspected of sympathising with the enemy. This included German, Italian and Japanese citizens, immigrants and (for a time) Australian communists and Jehovah’s Witnesses.

Police also received training in air raid precautions and rescue procedures, how to respond to gas attacks, and long-arms training. The guarding of bridges, power stations and other key locations became a police duty until military, special constables and Commonwealth peace officers could be recruited to take over the role. Even when this occurred, police were still required to assist in enforcing national security powers such as censorship laws, rationing and curfews.

CRIME RATES

During the war, most Australian jurisdictions experienced an overall decrease in reported serious crime, although there were dramatic fluctuations in some specific crime types such as assaults, thefts, gambling, sex offending and juvenile-related crimes.⁴ This was also an era where criminal offences included abortion, attempted suicide, drunkenness and singing obscene songs, and were policed accordingly.

With reduced availability of most goods and the introduction of rationing, levels of organised black-market crime surged. Pillaging became such a problem at the nation’s docks that squads of police were deployed to prevent or minimise thefts of cargo from arriving merchant ships.

The establishment of multiple military and prisoner-of-war camps throughout the nation, and the activities of off-duty soldiers, created social problems in surrounding areas, including alcohol-fuelled violence, black-market crime and prostitution. This required an increased police presence, often in places where there had previously been few officers.

PUBLIC DISORDER

Industrial strikes and political protests continued to be a feature of Australian life during the war and required a policing response, as did large celebratory gatherings, such as at military parades. On occasion, police were also required to patrol public areas where scuffles occurred between soldiers and antiwar activists. In extreme situations involving soldiers, such as the so-called Battle of Brisbane in 1942 (a riot between US and Australian soldiers), military police assisted civilian authorities.

STAFFING

In most Australian jurisdictions, full-time police staffing levels either stagnated or reduced during the war.⁵ Vacancies created by retirements or by police joining the military were difficult to fill because the military and other industries were given priority in employing suitable men.

Numerous police stations were closed so officers could be redeployed to higher-priority areas or so the buildings could be allocated to the military. Female police and hundreds of unpaid special constables and auxiliaries were recruited where possible to fill the gaps, but the quality of these personnel and their duties varied significantly.⁶ Of note, the employment of women was not driven by a progressive recognition of equality, but rather by the ability to pay them less than their male counterparts.

Thousands of Commonwealth peace officers were eventually employed to take over guarding duties from the police at key national facilities. The Peace Officer Guard itself, however, was an organisation hindered by internal issues arising from rapid expansion, poor corporate governance and a limited pool of candidates fully suited for their roles.⁷

UKRAINE’S CURRENT WAR

Ukraine is in an existential war, repelling an unprovoked Russian invasion. While technology has advanced rapidly since the 1940s, Ukraine’s 120,000-plus police face many challenges, as outlined in the previous paragraphs. Traditional crime levels are down, but organised crime appears to be increasingly involved in the smuggling of goods, people trafficking, cybercrime scams and online fraud.

The main effort for Ukraine’s police during the war so far has been in the national security realm – countering sedition and subversion, enforcing martial law (including curfews), investigating and detaining Russian saboteurs and spies, and coordinating emergency responses to air strikes. Drone usage has increased, and long arms have become standard issue for many police. Tactical police units have even been involved in combat against Russian forces, with some officers making the ultimate sacrifice.

Police officers are not immune from the psychological effects on the nation arising from the invasion, especially those who undertake paramilitary duties close to the front lines where they secure towns and villages, deliver humanitarian aid and investigate war crimes. Police reports are often the only official records that can be used by civilians for compensation claims.

In addition to the physical dangers, limited staffing and other privations caused by war, Ukrainian police have a fraught relationship with the public. Policing has historically had low levels of public support in Ukraine due to state-sponsored oppression and institutionalised corruption extending over many decades. Substantial reforms since 2015 have sought to modernise policing, but the war has hindered this process.

The assertive focus on national security taskings by police is both a blessing and a curse for police/public relations. Contemporary reporting suggests there is an ongoing tension for police between providing services acceptable to local communities and undertaking robust national security duties in a martial law environment. There is a risk that in a country under the significant and protracted stress of war, the brittle relationship between the public and its police could break.

FUTURE WAR CHALLENGES

Drawing on the above experiences, while noting that an Indo-Pacific war would likely be protracted and require Australia to adopt a total war mindset, the following themes present themselves as impacting domestic policing operations:⁸

1. Instant securitisation: Significant numbers of police would need to be immediately diverted to national security taskings, such as monitoring and interning citizens of enemy nation(s) and others in Australia with high-risk linkages to those nations. Commonwealth agencies such as the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO), the Australian Federal Police (AFP) and the military have finite resources and would be unable to perform this considerable task without assistance. These new duties would be in addition to existing counter-terrorism investigations into Islamic and right-wing extremists.

The protection of all critical infrastructure (bridges, ports, power generation facilities, fuel storage depots, government buildings, etc.), including counter-drone operations, is beyond the Commonwealth’s resourcing capacity. State police assistance will be essential to protect state and some private-sector assets. In the likely event of airstrikes, drone attacks or sabotage, it will be local police who will have to coordinate rescue and response operations and conduct tactical operations and investigations.

2. Police/military relations: The relationship dynamic between the military and civilian authorities (including the police and intelligence agencies) will suddenly change as the military swells in size and assumes a more prominent role in many domestic operational and policy areas. There is a potential for interservice friction at all levels of interaction.

Considerable effort will be required to sustain effective interservice cooperation and communications, to minimise potential areas of friction and misunderstanding. This will require scores of police to undertake military liaison roles in each jurisdiction, as well as the need for police to gain an understanding of how Australian and allied military forces operate.

3. Prioritising policing services: The level of traditional policing services to the community will have to be balanced against essential (but potentially unpopular) national security priorities. In some areas, a reprioritisation of resources will be readily apparent; for example, petrol rationing would lead to less traffic and a reduced need for road policing. In other areas, tough decisions will need to be made about which community policing initiatives and criminal investigations are deprioritised. Entire stations might need to be closed so staff can be redirected to other duties.

Strong, ongoing community engagement will be essential to maintain public confidence and trust that their police haven’t abandoned them, especially if there is civil unrest and/or a sustained disinformation campaign by Australia’s enemy/enemies.

4. Organised crime: The activities and capabilities of organised crime syndicates are likely to metastasise during a protracted war, especially those syndicates unable to import illicit substances due to naval and air blockades. Organised crime elements could also hire themselves out to enemy agents to commit crimes on the latter’s behalf. Law enforcement will need to pay close attention to identify and disrupt emerging trends.

5. The police workforce: Maintaining morale, discipline and the effectiveness of the sworn and unsworn workforce will present unique challenges for police leaders. The increase in work tempo would be significant and sustained, yet overall staffing levels will likely decline, as numerous police officers join the military or are called up as reservists. The drain on frontline staffing will be compounded by the need to conduct widespread and urgent training of police and protective service officers/special constables in topics such as tactical and counter-drone operations, air raid procedures, new national security legislation, and how to respond to chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear (CBRN) attacks.

Workplace health and safety legislation might be amended to meet the evolving necessities of war. Employee conditions of service could potentially be reviewed by governments keen to redirect funds. Such developments would likely have a deleterious impact on organisational morale. Psychological and welfare support infrastructure might become scarce if services are directed towards the military.

Even getting staff to attend work might prove problematic. During the Second World War, most police lived within a handful of kilometres of their workplaces and could walk or catch public transport when petrol rationing was in place. This is not the case today. Many staff would be unable to commute regularly if there is strict rationing for petrol or electricity (for electric vehicles).⁹ Working from home is unlikely to be practical in many scenarios, especially if internet systems are significantly degraded.

6. Augmenting police numbers: Recruiting hundreds, if not thousands, of police auxiliaries, protective service officers, etc., to perform guarding and other duties will be an attractive option to support thinly stretched police. A sudden surge of (potentially unpaid) volunteers who are recruited, equipped and trained at very short notice will create significant resourcing and organisational challenges. Contentious issues will include debates over adequate entry requirements, training and security vetting standards, whether to arm these personnel, the impact of a recruitment surge on organisational core values and ethics, and how this subsequently affects police/ community relations.

7. Technology: Australian policing depends on reliable ICT equipment and systems that are instantly available. The need for reliability will increase during a war, particularly for national security taskings and communications. Yet there will be a heightened threat of ICT equipment and systems being compromised, degraded or disabled by the enemy. The supply of replacement and/or new equipment manufactured overseas could prove problematic if sea and air routes are blockaded, and/or if the equipment is normally manufactured in what would be an enemy country. Even domestically manufactured equipment might be unavailable if other industries have higher priority access. Identifying alternative business practices and systems (potentially even reverting to pen and paper) would be required.

CONCLUSION

The above seven themes might seem fanciful or farfetched. They aren’t. These were the challenges faced by police in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom during the Second World War, and/or more recently by Ukrainian police.

Readers previously involved in managing police responses to major protests, natural disasters, or the COVID-19 pandemic will undoubtedly recognise some of the challenges outlined in this article. Total war, however, would pose challenges on a scale and intensity not previously experienced by any currently serving Australian police officer.

We all hope war doesn’t occur, but given developments and trends worldwide, it would be prudent to start thinking about how to address potential challenges.

BRAVERY AND DEDICATION – THE ‘COWRA BREAKOUT’

While researching this article, the following entry was found in the 1944 New South Wales Police Annual Report. It relates to the mass breakout of Japanese prisoners-of-war from a camp near the country town of Cowra. More than 1000 prisoners attempted to escape; 234 died along with five Australian soldiers. The entry speaks for itself about the dedication to duty required from police and their partners.

‘Following the escape of Japanese prisoners of war from a compound at a country centre on the 5th August 1944, Constables First-class A.P. McGovern, Mandurama, and C.H.R. Cooper, Woodstock, immediately notified all residents and outlying settlers in their respective patrols and worked for several days, performing long hours of continuous duty in search of the escapees. Despite the fact that it was known the escaped prisoners had killed their military guard and were fanatical, Constable 1st Class Cooper succeeded in arresting, single handed, eight, and Constable 1st Class McGovern, in company with Constable 1st Class Cooper, three of the Japanese. The wives of the constables also performed very valuable service in attending to the telephones at the respective stations and keeping in touch with the District Superintendent. The actions of the constables were recognised by a notation on their record sheets, and letters of appreciation written to their wives’.

PODCAST

Hear the author discuss the issue of policing in war, in episode 58 of Policing Australia: The Official Podcast of the Australian Police Journal. The podcast is available through all major podcast apps, or can be heard HERE.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Jason Byrnes APM has been a police officer for 35 years, serving at the local, national and international levels. He has also been involved with the APJ in various capacities since 2001.

In addition to authoring numerous articles, Jason has written two books: Police Rescue & Bomb Disposal: An Extraordinary History, and In the Service of Peace: Australian Police Involvement in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations 1964-2024. He also recently edited Harmony & Heartbeat: 2025 Pacific Police Tattoo, Papua New Guinea.

ENDNOTES

1. ’Indo-Pacific’ is a political/academic term to mean the half of the world extending from Africa to the Americas, with Australia being in the approximate centre. ↩︎
2. See the 2024 National Defence Strategy and the 2023 National Defence Strategic Review. ↩︎
3. In international law there are two categories of people – military personnel (combatants) and civilians (non-combatants). Organisations such as Australian police forces are civilian. ↩︎
4. It’s difficult to exactly compare statistics because of differing methodologies between jurisdictions. ↩︎
5. For example, NSW Police had 3765 full-time male police at the beginning of the war and 3468 at the end. The total full-time strength of South Australia Police dropped from 918 in June 1940 to 874 in June 1944, then increased to 951 by June 1946. Queensland bucked the general trend; its police grew from 1485 personnel in June 1940 to 1621 in June 1942 and 1733 in June 1944, before dropping slightly to 1730 in June 1945. Despite the increase in actual numbers, they usually were below authorised strength levels. ↩︎
6. In June 1944 the South Australia Police had 874 full-time personnel in the state and 1951 unpaid special constables in what it called the Metropolitan Special Constabulary. ↩︎
7. See ‘The Body Snatchers’, APJ, March 2014, Vol.68, No.1. ↩︎
8. This article doesn’t canvas the AFP’s international obligations and commitments. ↩︎
9. At one point during the Second World War, Australian car owners were restricted to less than 2000 miles per year. ↩︎